Tuesday, June 18, 2013

My 12 Best Tips on Psychiatric Diagnosis - By Allen Frances, M.D.

My 12 Best Tips on Psychiatric Diagnosis

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We already had a crisis in psychiatric diagnosis before DSM-5. It is a sure sign of excess that 25% of us reportedly qualify for a mental disorder and that 20% are on psychiatric medication. Unless checked, DSM-5 will open the floodgates and may turn current diagnostic inflation into future hyperinflation.
Below are my 12 tips on how best to ensure accurate and safe diagnosis:
(1) The less severe the presentation, the more difficult it is to diagnose. There is no bright line demarcating the very heavily populated boundary between mental disorder and normality. Milder problems often resolve spontaneously with time and without need for diagnosis or treatment.
(2) When in doubt, it is safer and more accurate to underdiagnose. It’s easier to step up to a more severe diagnosis than to step down from it.
(3) Children and teenagers are especially hard to diagnose. They have a short track record, varying rates of maturation, may be using drugs, and are reactive to family and environmental stresses. The initial diagnosis is likely to be unstable and inappropriate.
(4) Mental illness is hard to diagnose in the elderly. Their psychiatric symptoms may be caused by medical and neurological illness and they are prone to drug side effects, interactions, and overdose.
(5) Take the time and make the effort. It takes time to make the right diagnosis—adequate time for each interview and often multiple interviews over time to see how things are evolving. Except for classic presentations, a quick diagnosis is usually the wrong diagnosis.
(6) Get all the information you can. No one source is ever complete. Triangulation of data from multiple information sources leads to a more reliable diagnosis.
(7) Consider previous diagnoses—but don’t blindly believe them. Based on their tenure, incorrect diagnoses tend to have a long half-life and unfortunate staying power. Always do your own careful evaluation of the patient’s entire longitudinal course.
(8) Constantly revisit the diagnosis. This is especially true when someone is not benefiting from a treatment that is based on it. Clinicians can get tunnel vision once they’ve fixed on a diagnosis, become too married to it, and are blinded to contradictory data.
(9) Hippocrates said that knowing the patient is just as important as knowing the disease. Don’t get so caught up in the details of the symptoms that you miss the context in which they occur.
(10) If you hear hoof-beats on Broadway, think horses, not zebras! When in doubt, go with the odds. Exotic diagnoses may be fun to think about—but you almost never see them. Stick with the bread and butter.
(11) Accurate diagnosis can bring great benefits; inaccurate diagnosis can bring disaster.
(12) Remember the other enduring dictum from Hippocrates: First, Do No Harm.
(excerpted from the introduction to my book, The Essentials of Psychiatric Diagnosis, with permission from Guilford Press).
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Formal training in forensic mental health: Psychiatry and psychology

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Volume 35, Issues 5–6, September–December 2012, Pages 343–347
Forensic Psychiatry: Expertise, Treatment and Public Policy — Dedicated to Dr. Thomas G. Gutheil
  • Department of Psychiatry, University of Pennsylvania Perelman School of Medicine, United States
Available online 28 September 2012

Abstract

The field of forensic mental health has grown exponentially in the past decades to include forensic psychiatrists and psychologists serving as the primary experts to the court systems. However, many colleagues have chosen to pursue the avenue of serving as forensic experts without obtaining formal training and experience. This article discusses the importance of formal education, training and experience for psychiatrists and psychologists working in forensic settings and the ethical implications that befall those who fail to obtain such credentials. Specific aspects of training and supervised experience are discussed in detail.

Keywords

  • Formal forensic training;
  • Forensic psychiatry;
  • Forensic psychology;
  • Forensic mental health

There are no figures or tables for this document.
Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Predictors of involuntary hospitalizations to acute psychiatry

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Introduction

There is little knowledge of predictors for involuntary hospitalizations in acute psychiatric units.

Method

The Multi-center study of Acute Psychiatry included all cases of acute consecutive psychiatric admissions in twenty acute psychiatric units in Norway, representing about 75% of the acute psychiatric units during 2005–2006. Data included admission process, rating of Global Assessment of Functioning and Health of the Nation Outcome Scales.

Results

Fifty-six percent were voluntary and 44% involuntary hospitalized. Regression analysis identified contact with police, referral by physicians who did not know the patient, contact with health services within the last 48 h, not living in own apartment or house, high scores for aggression, level of hallucinations and delusions, and contact with an out-of office clinic within the last 48 h and low GAF symptom score as predictors for involuntary hospitalization. Involuntary patients were older, more often male, non-Norwegian, unmarried and had lower level of education. They more often had disability pension or received social benefits, and were more often admitted during evenings and nights, found to have more frequent substance abuse and less often responsible for children and were less frequently motivated for admission. Involuntary patients had less contact with psychiatric services before admission. Most patients were referred because of a deterioration of their psychiatric illness.

Conclusion

Involuntary hospitalization seems to be guided by the severity of psychiatric symptoms and factors “surrounding” the referred patient. Important factors seem to be male gender, substance abuse, contact with own GP, aggressive behavior, and low level of social functioning and lack of motivation. There was a need for assistance by the police in a significant number of cases. This complicated picture offers some important challenges to the organization of primary and psychiatric health services and a need to consider better pathways to care.

An examination of sexual fantasy, sexual paraphilia, psychopathy, and offence characteristics

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  • aDepartment of Psychology, University of British Columbia Okanagan, Canada
  • bDepartment of Psychology, University of Saskatchewan, Canada
  • cRoyal Canadian Mounted Police, Canada
Available online 8 February 2013

Abstract

High-risk sexual offenders are a complex and heterogeneous group of offenders about whom researchers, clinicians, and law enforcement agencies still know relatively little. In response to the paucity of information that is specifically applicable to high-risk offenders, the present study investigated the potential influence of sexual fantasy, sexual paraphilia, and psychopathy on the offending behaviour of 139 of the highest risk sexual offenders in one province of Canada. The sample included 41 child molesters, 42 rapists, 18 rapist/molesters, 30 mixed offenders, and 6 “other” sexual offenders. Two offenders could not be categorized by type due to insufficient file information. Data analyses revealed significant differences between offender types for a number of criminal history variables including past sexual and nonsexual convictions, number of victims, weapon use, and age of offending onset. Further, there were significant differences between offender types for sexual fantasy themes, paraphilia diagnoses, and levels of psychopathy. For example, results revealed that offenders' sexual fantasies were significantly more likely to correspond with the specific type of index sexual offence that they had committed. Further, offenders scoring high in psychopathy were significantly more likely to have a sadistic paraphilia than offenders with either low or moderate psychopathy scores. Results from the current study provide a refined and informed understanding of sexual offending behaviour with important implications for future research, assessment, and treatment, as well as law enforcement practices when working with high-risk sexual offenders.

Keywords

  • Sexual offenders;
  • High-risk;
  • Fantasy;
  • Paraphilia;
  • Psychopathy

Figures and tables from this article:
Table 1. Percentage of each offender type by sexual fantasy theme.
View Within Article
Table 2. Means and standard deviations for number of sexual convictions, number of nonsexual convictions, and number of victims by sexual fantasy theme.
Note. Fantasy themes were available for 95 of 139 offenders; consequently, the ranges across sexual fantasy themes above do not match the overall ranges of sexual and nonsexual convictions and victims when considered separately.
View Within Article
Table 3. Percentage of offenders by number and type of paraphilias across offender type and psychopathy.
Note. Percentages may not add to 100 due to rounding.
View Within Article
Table 4. Percentage of offenders with specific paraphilias by offender type, psychopathy, and weapon use.
Note. Percentages may not add to 100 due to rounding.
View Within Article
Table 5. Means and standard deviations for number of convictions and number of victims by number and type of paraphilias.
View Within Article
Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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A bio-psycho-social model of violence related to mental health problems

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  • aZentren für Psychiatrie Südwürttemberg, Germany
  • bInstitute of Psychology, Health & Society, University of Liverpool, United Kingdom
Available online 5 February 2013

Abstract

Background

Psychiatry is characterised by bio-psycho-social approaches and therapies. Thus there should be an interest in comprehensive theoretical models for didactic purposes.

Methods

A narrative synthesis of key themes in the current literature on psychiatric aspects of violence was conducted with the aim of integrating biological, psychological and sociological ideas in this area.

Results

Two didactical models are proposed for 1) individual disposition and for 2) acting in specific situations, each including available evidence-based knowledge.

Conclusions

The proposed models may be helpful for a comprehensive understanding of all relevant influencing factors in violent mentally ill people and for didactical purposes.

Keywords

  • Violence;
  • Aggression;
  • Model;
  • Crime;
  • Mental disorder;
  • Forensic

Figures and tables from this article:
Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

A review of the Irish Mental Health Act 2001

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  • aLucena Clinic, Orwell Road, Rathgar, Dublin 6, Ireland
  • bCentral Mental Hospital, Dundrum Road, Dundrum, Dublin 14, Ireland
  • cCluain Mhuire Mental Health Service, Newtownpark Avenue, Blackrock, Co. Dublin, Ireland
Available online 28 December 2012

Abstract

Objectives

The Mental Health Act 2001 (MHA 2001) was implemented in November 2006. Since that time, there has been considerable research into its impact, including the impact on service provision, use of coercive practices and the perceptions by key stakeholders. Our objective is to present a summary of research into the MHA 2001 since its implementation in the Irish state in the context of international standards and practice.

Methods

We reviewed the literature presented on Medline and Google Scholar, directly assessed relevant journals and sought abstract information from the College of Psychiatry of Ireland.

Results

There has been a small decrease in the rate of involuntary admission since implementation but there has been no change in the representativeness of diagnoses of individuals admitted involuntarily. Mental Health Tribunals were held for 57% of those admitted involuntarily and 46% of service users found that the Mental Health Tribunal made the involuntary admission easier to accept. One year after discharge, 60% of service users reflected that their involuntary admission had been necessary. Professional groups have expressed concerns regarding workload, training time for junior doctors and paperwork.

Conclusions

The MHA 2001 has brought the practice of involuntary admission further into line with international standards. However, five years after the implementation of the Act international guidelines and practice have highlighted areas in need of further reform, including capacity legislation and consideration of advance directives and community treatment orders. Further research is also lacking on caregivers' or family members' perceptions of the MHA 2001.

Keywords

  • Coercion;
  • Involuntary admission;
  • Mental Health Act;
  • Human rights;
  • Legislation

Figures and tables from this article:
Full-size image (13 K)
Fig. 1. Flow chart illustrating paper selection for review.CPI: College of Psychiatry of Ireland; IJPM: Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine.1Original research on the topic Oireachtas, 2001, excluding discussion papers and papers addressing learning disability, child and adolescent psychiatry and forensic psychiatry specifically.2 and .3 and .4Prinsloo & Noonan, 2010.
Table 1. Diagnoses of individuals admitted involuntarily between 2007 and 2010 ( and ).
View Within Article
Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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6/18/2013 - General Psychiatry News Review

General Psychiatry News Review - Continuously Updated



International Psychoanalysis » Blog Archive » The Problem With Psychiatry, the ‘DSM,’ and the Way We Study Mental Illness

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Hysteria
Click Here to Read:  The Problem With Psychiatry, the ‘DSM,’ and the Way We Study Mental Illness  By Ethan Watters  on the Pacific Standard website on June 3, 2013 .
In the 1880s, women by the tens of thousands displayed the distinctive signs of hysteria: convulsive fits, facial tics, spinal irritation, sensitivity to touch, leg paralysis. (ILLUSTRATION: MICHELLE THOMPSON)
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This entry was posted on Monday, June 17th, 2013 at 1:39 pm and is filed under General News. You can subscribe via RSS 2.0 feed to this post's comments. You can comment below, or link to this permanent URL from your own site. Your comments will be moderated but will appear as soon as humanly possible.

PsychiatryOnline | Psychiatric News | News Article

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Researchers at the UCLA Mattel Children’s Hospital in Los Angeles reported a case of a 14-year-old girl whose suicidal depression resolved after treatment for ectopic atrial tachycardia (EAT). The patient had no other significant medical history until she began experiencing several life stressors that gradually escalated prior to her suicide attempt with lorazepam and alcohol. She suffered depression, anxiety, panic attacks, insomnia, and anhedonia and eventually sought psychiatric evaluation when she experienced suicidal ideations and began cutting her wrists. Her EAT was subsequently diagnosed when she was hospitalized after her suicide attempt. She was transferred to an inpatient psychiatric ward, where her symptoms improved but did not resolve completely. Once stable, she underwent catheter ablation, after which her feelings of anxiety and depression dramatically improved; the patient had been asymptomatic without recurrence for over a year since her procedure. Follow-up echocardiography revealed normalization of ventricular function. “This case underscores the need to screen patients for arrhythmia when being evaluated by their general pediatrician or psychiatrist for psychiatric illness,” concluded the researchers. ■

Biological psychiatry's false paradigm - baltimoresun.com

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Days before the official May 22 publication date of the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM-5), a number of psychiatrists who were closely associated with the project scrambled to do some preemptory damage control, mostly by lowering the expectations for what was to come.
Michael B. First, professor of psychiatry at Columbia, acknowledged on NPR that there was still no empirical method to confirm or rule out any mental illness. "We were hoping and imagining that research would advance at a pace that laboratory tests would have come out. And here we are 20 years later and we still unfortunately rely primarily on symptoms to make our diagnoses." Speaking toThe New York Times, Thomas R. Insel, director of the National Institutes of Mental Health, insisted that this failure had not been for lack of effort.
In the same Times article, David J. Kupfer, chairman of the DSM-5 Task Force, admitted "a failure of our neuroscience and biology to give us the level of diagnostic criteria, a level of sensitivity and specificity that we would be able to introduce into the diagnostic manual." Drs. Kupfer, Insel and First agree that the new paradigm envisioned for psychiatry — the reason the new edition was undertaken — remains elusive.
By 1980, the creators of the DSM believed implicitly that neuroscience would reveal the biological roots of every mental illness. This advance, they claimed, would obviate the need to determine the meaning of symptoms, a process they considered subjective and unreliable. The new paradigm would have put the diagnosis of mental illness on the same empirical footing as medical illnesses such asdiabetesheart disease and cancer — a major goal of biological psychiatry, which seeks parity of esteem and funding with other medical specialties.
The DSM-III, the DSM-IV and now the DSM-5 made no provision for the clinician to consider the origin or meaning of symptoms that comprised the checklists given for diagnosing a mental illness. The justification offered for this omission, in addition to the certainty that markers for a biological substrate would identify each illness, was that diagnosing with symptoms of unspecified meaning would promote better agreement among clinicians (reliability) in diagnosis and research. This, in fact, did not happen.
Ultimately, the DSM has failed because its creators, focusing mostly on the brain, did not understand that a human being is, in essence, freedom, and may under pressure deny or misuse that freedom in ways that incline emotion, thought and behavior to fall outside the boundaries set by the arbiters of mental normalcy.
As if to sound the death knell for the role of freedom in the development of mental illness, the DSM-5 eliminated the Axis-1/Axis-2 distinction introduced in the DSM-III (1980), which at least acknowledged that some illnesses were of psychological origin. In the DSM-5, all mental illnesses are taken to be brain diseases.
Adolf Meyer, chief of psychiatry at Johns Hopkins from 1910 to 1941, believed that most mental illnesses, including some schizophrenias, are not brain diseases but the consequence of defensive psychological reactions to difficult or traumatic life events that people fail to handle adaptively, often by denying their freedom to do so.
Meyer named his approach psychobiology — a radically different concept of mental illness than biological psychiatry — intending to acknowledge both mind and brain in the development of these illnesses. Though he felt that biology is not the cause of most pathological disturbances of mental life, he reasoned that the brain neural substrate is altered in the psychobiological reaction from which such an illness emerges. Meyer believed that what we experience in the world, with others, can change our brains, and not always for the better.
During the last century and a half, convincing psychological explanations have been tendered for many mental illnesses, Meyer's psychobiology providing some of the most substantial. Nonetheless, it would be anathema to suggest that what we now know about these illnesses is all we will ever know.
No one now — not clinicians, not patients, and certainly not managed care organizations and pharmaceutical companies — wants to hear this. But if, in 10 or 20 years, no biological explanation for the major mental illnesses is in sight, the search for what remains unexplained after a satisfactory psychological understanding is in hand may come to be seen as having been a phantom all along.
Meanwhile, the efforts to explain mental illness at the molecular level, whatever this might entail, will continue. And, no doubt, so will the habit of using past failures to justify and fund the pursuit of future failures.
René J. Muller, a psychologist, is the author, most recently, of "Doing Psychiatry Wrong." He is working on an approach to diagnosing mental illness based on the psychobiology of Adolf Meyer. His email is mullerrenej@aol.com.  
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